nettime
<nettime> Vacancy: parttime curator at V2_
Alex Adriaansens: Vacancy: parttime curator at V2_:
Vacancy: parttime curator at V2_
V2_ was founded in 1981 and is located in the center of Rotterdam in the Netherlands. V2_ runs a presentation space, a media lab, a publishing house and is actively developing an archive related to our almost 30 years of activities. [...]
Vacancy: parttime curator at V2_
V2_ was founded in 1981 and is located in the center of Rotterdam in the Netherlands. V2_ runs a presentation space, a media lab, a publishing house and is actively developing an archive related to our almost 30 years of activities. [...]
<nettime> Henry Jenkins: Avatar activism (LMD)
Patrice Riemens: Henry Jenkins: Avatar activism (LMD):
[...]
http://mondediplo.com/2010/09/15avatar
Print the legend, and put it on Youtube Avatar activism
Pop culture has now become the basis for a participatory approach to world activism – Harry Potter fans for gay rights in the US, defiant Palestinians protesting about Israeli occupation with their traditional keffiyahs over skins painted blue after Avatar’s Na’vi people
by Henry Jenkins
Five Palestinian, Israeli and international activists painted themselves blue to resemble the Na’vi from James Cameron’s blockbuster Avatar (1) in February, and marched through the occupied village of Bil’in. The Israeli military used tear gas and sound bombs on the azure-skinned protestors, who wore traditional keffiyahs with their Na’vi tails and pointy ears. The camcorder footage of the incident was juxtaposed with borrowed shots from the film and circulated on YouTube. We hear the movie characters proclaim: “We will show the Sky People that they can not take whatever they want! This, this is our land!”
The event is a reminder of how people around the world are mobilising icons and myths from popular culture as resources for political speech, which we can call Avatar activism. Even relatively apolitical critics for local newspapers recognised that Avatar spoke to contemporary political concerns. Conservative US publications, such as National Review and The Weekly Standard, denounced Avatar as anti-American, anti-military and anti-capitalist. A Vatican film critic argued that it promoted “nature worship” while some environmentalists embraced Avatar as “the most epic piece of environmental advocacy ever captured on celluloid”. Many on the left ridiculed the film’s contradictory critique of colonialism and embrace of white liberal guilt fantasies, calling it “Dances with Smurfs” (from the simplistic pro-Native American 1990 movie success, Dances With Wolves). One of the most nuanced critiques came from Daniel Heath Justice, an activist from the Cherokee nation, who felt that Avatar was directing attention to the rights of indigenous people even as Cameron over-simplified the evils of colonialism, creating embodiments of the military-industrial complex which are easy to hate and hard to understand.
Such critiques encourage a healthy scepticism towards the production of popular mythologies and are better than critics who see popular culture as trivial and meaningless, offering only distractions from our real world problems. The meaning of a popular film like Avatar lies at the intersection between what the author wants to say and how the audience deploys his creation for their own communicative purposes.
The Bil’in protesters recognised potential parallels between the Na’vi struggles to defend their Eden against the Sky People and their own attempts to regain lands they feel were unjustly taken from them. (The YouTube video makes clear the contrast between the lush jungles of Pandora and the arid, dusty landscape of the Occupied Territories.) The film’s larger-than-life imagery, recognised worldwide thanks to Hollywood, offered them an empowered image of their own struggles. The sight of a blue-skinned alien writhing in the dust and choking on tear gas shocked many into paying attention to messages we often ignore.
By appropriating Avatar, activists have made some of the most familiar criticisms of the film beside the point. Conservative critics worried that Avatar might foster anti-Americanism, but as the image of the Na’vi has been taken up by protest groups in many parts of the world, the myth has been rewritten to focus on local embodiments of the military-industrial complex: in Bil’in, the focus was on the Israeli army; in China, on indigenous people against the Beijing government; in Brazil, the Amazonian Indians against logging companies.
Without painting themselves blue, people like the Indian writer Arundhati Roy and the Slovenian philosopher Slavoj Zizek have used discussions about Avatar to call attention to the plight of the Dongria Kondh peoples of India, who have just won a battle with their government over access to traditional territories rich in bauxite. It turns out that America isn’t the only evil empire left on Planet Earth. Leftists worry that the focus on white human protagonists gives an easy point of identification. But protestors just want to be in the blue skins of the Na’vi.
The Avatar activists are tapping into a very old language of popular protest. The cultural historian Natalie Zemon Davis reminds us in her classic essay “Women on Top” (2) that protesters in early modern Europe often masked their identity through dressing as peoples real (the Moors) or imagined (the Amazons) seen as a threat to the civilised order. The good citizens of Boston continued this tradition in the New World when they dressed as Native Americans to dump tea in the harbour. And African-Americans in New Orleans formed their own Mardi Gras Indian tribes, taking imagery from Buffalo Bill’s Wild West Show, to signify their own struggles for respect and dignity (a cultural practice being reconsidered in HBO’s television series, Treme, by David Simon, about the post-Hurricane Katrina New Orleans).
Participatory culture
The media theorist Stephen Duncombe (3) argues that the American left has adopted a rationalist language which can seem cold and exclusionary, speaking to the head not the heart. But by rejecting the wonkish vocabulary of most policy discourse, it could draw emotional power from its engagement with stories that already matter to a mass public.
Duncombe cites an activist group that called itself Billionaires for Bush, whose members posed as mega-tycoons straight out of a Monopoly game, to call attention to the corporate interests shaping Republican positions. He might have been writing about protestors painting themselves blue or Twitter users turning their icons green in solidarity with the Iranian opposition party.
With a team of researchers at the University of Southern California’s Annenberg School for Communications and Journalism, we have been mapping many recent examples of groups repurposing pop culture towards social justice. Our focus is on what we call participatory culture: in contrast to mass media’s spectator culture, digital media has allowed many more consumers to take media in their own hands, hijacking culture for their own purposes. Shared narratives provide the foundation for strong social networks, generating spaces where ideas get discussed, knowledge gets produced, and culture gets created. In this process, fans are acquiring skills and building a grassroots infrastructure for sharing their perspectives on the world. Much as young people growing up in a hunting society may play with bows and arrows, young people coming of age in an information society play with information.
The Harry Potter Alliance’s Andrew Slack calls this process “cultural acupuncture”, suggesting that his organisation has identified a vital pressure point in the popular imagination and sought to link it to larger social concerns. The alliance has mobilised more than 100,000 young people worldwide to participate in campaigns against genocide in Africa; in support of workers’ rights and gay marriage; to raise money for disaster relief in Haiti; to call attention to media concentration and many other causes. J K Rowling’s creation Harry Potter, Slack argues, realised that the government and the media were lying to the public in order to mask evil, organised his classmates to form Dumbledore’s Army and went out to change the world. Slack asks his followers what evils Dumbledore’s Army would be battling in our world. In Maine, the alliance organised a competition between fans affiliated with the houses of the fictional Hogwarts school, to see who could get the most voters to the polls in a referendum on equal marriage rights. All this may mobilise young people who have traditionally felt excluded or marginalised from the political process.
Such efforts may sound cynical (in that they give up on the power of reason to convert the masses) or naïve (in that they believe in myths rather than realities). In fact, there is always a moment when participants push aside comforting fantasy to deal with the complexities of what’s really happening.
This new style of activism doesn’t require us to paint ourselves blue; it does ask that we think in creative ways about the iconography that comes to us through every available media channel. Consider the ways that Dora the Explorer, the Latina girl at the centre of a popular American public television series, has been deployed by both the right and the left to dramatise the likely consequences of Arizona’s new immigration reform law; or how the US Tea Party has embraced a mash-up of Obama and the Joker from The Dark Knight Returns (one of the Batman films) as a recurring image in its battle against healthcare reform.
Such analogies don’t capture the complexities of these policy debates, just as we can’t reduce the distinctions between American political parties to the differences between elephants and donkeys (icons from an earlier decade’s political cartoonists). Such tactics work only if we read these images as metaphors, standing in for something bigger than they can fully express. Avatar can’t do justice to the old struggle over the Occupied Territories and the YouTube video is no substitute for informed discourse about what’s at stake there. Yet their spectacular and participatory performance does provide the emotional energy needed to keep on fighting. And that may direct attention to other resources.
.....
Henry Jenkins is Provost’s Professor of Communication, Journalism, and Cinematic Arts at the University of Southern California and author of Fans, Bloggers and Gamers: Exploring Participatory Culture, New York University Press, 2006
(1) See Colin Murphy, “Avatar, not as liberal as it looks”, Le Monde diplomatique, English edition, April 2010.
(2) Natalie Zemon Davis, “Women on Top: Symbolic sexual inversion and political disorder in early modern Europe”, in Barbara Babcock, The Reversible World: Symbolic Inversion in Art and Society, Cornell University Press, Ithaca, 1978.
(3) Stephen Duncombe, Dream: Re-imagining Progressive Politics in an Age of Fantasy, The New Press, New York, 2006.
[...]
http://mondediplo.com/2010/09/15avatar
Print the legend, and put it on Youtube Avatar activism
Pop culture has now become the basis for a participatory approach to world activism – Harry Potter fans for gay rights in the US, defiant Palestinians protesting about Israeli occupation with their traditional keffiyahs over skins painted blue after Avatar’s Na’vi people
by Henry Jenkins
Five Palestinian, Israeli and international activists painted themselves blue to resemble the Na’vi from James Cameron’s blockbuster Avatar (1) in February, and marched through the occupied village of Bil’in. The Israeli military used tear gas and sound bombs on the azure-skinned protestors, who wore traditional keffiyahs with their Na’vi tails and pointy ears. The camcorder footage of the incident was juxtaposed with borrowed shots from the film and circulated on YouTube. We hear the movie characters proclaim: “We will show the Sky People that they can not take whatever they want! This, this is our land!”
The event is a reminder of how people around the world are mobilising icons and myths from popular culture as resources for political speech, which we can call Avatar activism. Even relatively apolitical critics for local newspapers recognised that Avatar spoke to contemporary political concerns. Conservative US publications, such as National Review and The Weekly Standard, denounced Avatar as anti-American, anti-military and anti-capitalist. A Vatican film critic argued that it promoted “nature worship” while some environmentalists embraced Avatar as “the most epic piece of environmental advocacy ever captured on celluloid”. Many on the left ridiculed the film’s contradictory critique of colonialism and embrace of white liberal guilt fantasies, calling it “Dances with Smurfs” (from the simplistic pro-Native American 1990 movie success, Dances With Wolves). One of the most nuanced critiques came from Daniel Heath Justice, an activist from the Cherokee nation, who felt that Avatar was directing attention to the rights of indigenous people even as Cameron over-simplified the evils of colonialism, creating embodiments of the military-industrial complex which are easy to hate and hard to understand.
Such critiques encourage a healthy scepticism towards the production of popular mythologies and are better than critics who see popular culture as trivial and meaningless, offering only distractions from our real world problems. The meaning of a popular film like Avatar lies at the intersection between what the author wants to say and how the audience deploys his creation for their own communicative purposes.
The Bil’in protesters recognised potential parallels between the Na’vi struggles to defend their Eden against the Sky People and their own attempts to regain lands they feel were unjustly taken from them. (The YouTube video makes clear the contrast between the lush jungles of Pandora and the arid, dusty landscape of the Occupied Territories.) The film’s larger-than-life imagery, recognised worldwide thanks to Hollywood, offered them an empowered image of their own struggles. The sight of a blue-skinned alien writhing in the dust and choking on tear gas shocked many into paying attention to messages we often ignore.
By appropriating Avatar, activists have made some of the most familiar criticisms of the film beside the point. Conservative critics worried that Avatar might foster anti-Americanism, but as the image of the Na’vi has been taken up by protest groups in many parts of the world, the myth has been rewritten to focus on local embodiments of the military-industrial complex: in Bil’in, the focus was on the Israeli army; in China, on indigenous people against the Beijing government; in Brazil, the Amazonian Indians against logging companies.
Without painting themselves blue, people like the Indian writer Arundhati Roy and the Slovenian philosopher Slavoj Zizek have used discussions about Avatar to call attention to the plight of the Dongria Kondh peoples of India, who have just won a battle with their government over access to traditional territories rich in bauxite. It turns out that America isn’t the only evil empire left on Planet Earth. Leftists worry that the focus on white human protagonists gives an easy point of identification. But protestors just want to be in the blue skins of the Na’vi.
The Avatar activists are tapping into a very old language of popular protest. The cultural historian Natalie Zemon Davis reminds us in her classic essay “Women on Top” (2) that protesters in early modern Europe often masked their identity through dressing as peoples real (the Moors) or imagined (the Amazons) seen as a threat to the civilised order. The good citizens of Boston continued this tradition in the New World when they dressed as Native Americans to dump tea in the harbour. And African-Americans in New Orleans formed their own Mardi Gras Indian tribes, taking imagery from Buffalo Bill’s Wild West Show, to signify their own struggles for respect and dignity (a cultural practice being reconsidered in HBO’s television series, Treme, by David Simon, about the post-Hurricane Katrina New Orleans).
Participatory culture
The media theorist Stephen Duncombe (3) argues that the American left has adopted a rationalist language which can seem cold and exclusionary, speaking to the head not the heart. But by rejecting the wonkish vocabulary of most policy discourse, it could draw emotional power from its engagement with stories that already matter to a mass public.
Duncombe cites an activist group that called itself Billionaires for Bush, whose members posed as mega-tycoons straight out of a Monopoly game, to call attention to the corporate interests shaping Republican positions. He might have been writing about protestors painting themselves blue or Twitter users turning their icons green in solidarity with the Iranian opposition party.
With a team of researchers at the University of Southern California’s Annenberg School for Communications and Journalism, we have been mapping many recent examples of groups repurposing pop culture towards social justice. Our focus is on what we call participatory culture: in contrast to mass media’s spectator culture, digital media has allowed many more consumers to take media in their own hands, hijacking culture for their own purposes. Shared narratives provide the foundation for strong social networks, generating spaces where ideas get discussed, knowledge gets produced, and culture gets created. In this process, fans are acquiring skills and building a grassroots infrastructure for sharing their perspectives on the world. Much as young people growing up in a hunting society may play with bows and arrows, young people coming of age in an information society play with information.
The Harry Potter Alliance’s Andrew Slack calls this process “cultural acupuncture”, suggesting that his organisation has identified a vital pressure point in the popular imagination and sought to link it to larger social concerns. The alliance has mobilised more than 100,000 young people worldwide to participate in campaigns against genocide in Africa; in support of workers’ rights and gay marriage; to raise money for disaster relief in Haiti; to call attention to media concentration and many other causes. J K Rowling’s creation Harry Potter, Slack argues, realised that the government and the media were lying to the public in order to mask evil, organised his classmates to form Dumbledore’s Army and went out to change the world. Slack asks his followers what evils Dumbledore’s Army would be battling in our world. In Maine, the alliance organised a competition between fans affiliated with the houses of the fictional Hogwarts school, to see who could get the most voters to the polls in a referendum on equal marriage rights. All this may mobilise young people who have traditionally felt excluded or marginalised from the political process.
Such efforts may sound cynical (in that they give up on the power of reason to convert the masses) or naïve (in that they believe in myths rather than realities). In fact, there is always a moment when participants push aside comforting fantasy to deal with the complexities of what’s really happening.
This new style of activism doesn’t require us to paint ourselves blue; it does ask that we think in creative ways about the iconography that comes to us through every available media channel. Consider the ways that Dora the Explorer, the Latina girl at the centre of a popular American public television series, has been deployed by both the right and the left to dramatise the likely consequences of Arizona’s new immigration reform law; or how the US Tea Party has embraced a mash-up of Obama and the Joker from The Dark Knight Returns (one of the Batman films) as a recurring image in its battle against healthcare reform.
Such analogies don’t capture the complexities of these policy debates, just as we can’t reduce the distinctions between American political parties to the differences between elephants and donkeys (icons from an earlier decade’s political cartoonists). Such tactics work only if we read these images as metaphors, standing in for something bigger than they can fully express. Avatar can’t do justice to the old struggle over the Occupied Territories and the YouTube video is no substitute for informed discourse about what’s at stake there. Yet their spectacular and participatory performance does provide the emotional energy needed to keep on fighting. And that may direct attention to other resources.
.....
Henry Jenkins is Provost’s Professor of Communication, Journalism, and Cinematic Arts at the University of Southern California and author of Fans, Bloggers and Gamers: Exploring Participatory Culture, New York University Press, 2006
(1) See Colin Murphy, “Avatar, not as liberal as it looks”, Le Monde diplomatique, English edition, April 2010.
(2) Natalie Zemon Davis, “Women on Top: Symbolic sexual inversion and political disorder in early modern Europe”, in Barbara Babcock, The Reversible World: Symbolic Inversion in Art and Society, Cornell University Press, Ithaca, 1978.
(3) Stephen Duncombe, Dream: Re-imagining Progressive Politics in an Age of Fantasy, The New Press, New York, 2006.
<nettime> Review of Arctic Perspective Cahier No.1: Architecture
Arns Inke: Review of Arctic Perspective Cahier No.1: Architecture:
Dear Nettime,
I am sending you a review of the first Arctic Perspective Cahier on architecture, written by Sean Ruthen and published on August 31, 2010 by re:place magazine.
The exhibition Arctic Perspective is on view at PHOENIX Halle Dortmund, Germany, until October 10, 2010.
Check out www. [...]
I am sending you a review of the first Arctic Perspective Cahier on architecture, written by Sean Ruthen and published on August 31, 2010 by re:place magazine.
The exhibition Arctic Perspective is on view at PHOENIX Halle Dortmund, Germany, until October 10, 2010.
Check out www. [...]
<nettime> [ciresearchers] FW: [TriumphOfContent] Chinese internet addicts stage mutiny at boot camp
Alan Sondheim: [ciresearchers] FW: [TriumphOfContent] Chinese internet addicts stage mutiny at boot camp: ????
http://technology.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/tech_and_web/article7145877.ec eFrom??Times Online June 8, 2010 Chinese internet addicts stage mutiny at boot camp
Jane Macartney, Beijing
Fourteen young detainees overcame their guard and fled a boot camp regime of [...]
http://technology.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/tech_and_web/article7145877.ec eFrom??Times Online June 8, 2010 Chinese internet addicts stage mutiny at boot camp
Jane Macartney, Beijing
Fourteen young detainees overcame their guard and fled a boot camp regime of [...]
<nettime> Ten Theses on Wikileaks by Geert Lovink and Patrice Riemens
Geert Lovink: Ten Theses on Wikileaks by Geert Lovink and Patrice Riemens: Ten Theses on Wikileaks
By Geert Lovink and Patrice Riemens
These 0. "What do I think of Wikileaks? I think it would be a good idea!" (after Mahatma Gandhi's famous quip on 'Western Civilisation')
These 1. Disclosures and leaks have been of all times, but never before has a [...]
These 0. "What do I think of Wikileaks? I think it would be a good idea!" (after Mahatma Gandhi's famous quip on 'Western Civilisation')
These 1. Disclosures and leaks have been of all times, but never before has a [...]
<nettime> sondheimogram x11: odyssey, laws, dance, whose, roma, 3+1, us, roma, socmed, retiring]
Alan Sondheim: sondheimogram x11: odyssey, laws, dance, whose, roma, 3+1, us, roma, socmed, retiring]: [digested @ nettime -- mod (tb)]
Alan Sondheim <sondheim at panix.com>
From the East of Odyssey Performance: Text, Video, Stills 8.14.10 maxims, laws of form The Sparse Dance at Humlab Whose Bodies The Roma: Europe's favorite Scapegoat [...]
Alan Sondheim <sondheim at panix.com>
From the East of Odyssey Performance: Text, Video, Stills 8.14.10 maxims, laws of form The Sparse Dance at Humlab Whose Bodies The Roma: Europe's favorite Scapegoat [...]
<nettime> Special issue tripleC: Capitalist Crisis, Communication & Culture
Christian Fuchs: Special issue tripleC: Capitalist Crisis, Communication & Culture: tripleC (cognition, communication, co-operation): Open Access Journal
for a Global Sustainable Information Society.
Vol. 8. No. 2: Special Issue on Capitalist Crisis, Communication & Culture Edited by Christian Fuchs, Matthias Schafranek, David Hakken, Marcus Breen http://www.triple-c.at/index. [...]
Vol. 8. No. 2: Special Issue on Capitalist Crisis, Communication & Culture Edited by Christian Fuchs, Matthias Schafranek, David Hakken, Marcus Breen http://www.triple-c.at/index. [...]
<nettime> wikilazy arguing
Patrice Riemens: wikilazy arguing: Actually, the whole Internet is an 'unintended consequence' with which Big
Business has learned to live, but never really loved, and has lost
humongous amounts of money - real, and even more, potential - in it
(although some businesses became very rich in the process, thank you). [...]
<nettime> wikilazy arguing
John Young: wikilazy arguing: You have a point, jaromil, nostalgia is narcosis for those with little future.
Right you are, a medal for that, wizened perspective is no more perspicacious than blissful ignorance, irrational states of delusion reign at both ends of the endless gene string. Your sprout gobbles my manure. [...]
Right you are, a medal for that, wizened perspective is no more perspicacious than blissful ignorance, irrational states of delusion reign at both ends of the endless gene string. Your sprout gobbles my manure. [...]
<nettime> wikilazy arguing
jaromil: wikilazy arguing:
hi Morlock,
On Tue, Aug 17, 2010 at 05:03:17PM -0700, Morlock Elloi wrote:
[...]
not just that, because...
[...]
...what you define as "unintended consequences" can only be called so from a NATO perspective (and not even so much anymore, looking at the [...]
hi Morlock,
On Tue, Aug 17, 2010 at 05:03:17PM -0700, Morlock Elloi wrote:
[...]
not just that, because...
[...]
...what you define as "unintended consequences" can only be called so from a NATO perspective (and not even so much anymore, looking at the [...]
<nettime> Heiner Muller's Macbeth nach Shakespeare
Flick Harrison: Heiner Muller's Macbeth nach Shakespeare: Greetings netizens,
I'm working on a media / video design for a new english translation of Heiner Muller's Macbeth Nach Shakespeare with GasHeart / Conspiracy Theatre in Vancouver.
Just wondering, has anyone seen any productions of this play that included video and / or projections? [...]
I'm working on a media / video design for a new english translation of Heiner Muller's Macbeth Nach Shakespeare with GasHeart / Conspiracy Theatre in Vancouver.
Just wondering, has anyone seen any productions of this play that included video and / or projections? [...]
<nettime> goofy leftists sniping at the NYT
t byfield: goofy leftists sniping at the NYT: Herr Doktor Google has never been able to help out with a dim memory
I have about a poobah at the NYT, on seeing a copy of _USA Today_ (a
paper famous for colorful infographics and vending machines designed
to look like TVs), say something like: "Now it's come full circle -- [...]
<nettime> Yuppie creativity marches on in Berlin ... (Wall Street Journal)
Patrice Riemens: Yuppie creativity marches on in Berlin ... (Wall Street Journal): Trust the WSJ to convince you that art and culture only come to their own
('grow up') when they represent marketable value and the 'lifestyle'
associated with it ...
original to Wall Street Journal W/e 20-22 August 2010: http://bit.ly/d3I9P4 (for pics & inserts)
[...]
original to Wall Street Journal W/e 20-22 August 2010: http://bit.ly/d3I9P4 (for pics & inserts)
[...]
<nettime> Meet Milo The Virtual Boy: Cloud-Sculpting The Mind of a Synthetic Human
mez breeze: Meet Milo The Virtual Boy: Cloud-Sculpting The Mind of a Synthetic Human: This TED talk [ http://bit.ly/cPXXTJ ] by Peter Molyneux:
*"...demos Milo, a hotly anticipated video game for Microsoft's Kinect controller. Perceptive and impressionable like a real 11-year-old, the virtual boy watches, listens and learns -- recognizing and responding to you. [...]
*"...demos Milo, a hotly anticipated video game for Microsoft's Kinect controller. Perceptive and impressionable like a real 11-year-old, the virtual boy watches, listens and learns -- recognizing and responding to you. [...]
<nettime> lucky german jugend: null bock auf facebook
patrick lichty: lucky german jugend: null bock auf facebook: Well, the issue of this is acculturation.
Maybe this is similar to the idea of heidegger's premise that when you have a hammer, everything looks like a nail. Not really - it's just that when the kids grow up with the Net, they have no conception of what living with Black and White TV is like... [...]
Maybe this is similar to the idea of heidegger's premise that when you have a hammer, everything looks like a nail. Not really - it's just that when the kids grow up with the Net, they have no conception of what living with Black and White TV is like... [...]
<nettime> wikilazy arguing (was: The Return of DRM)
Morlock Elloi: wikilazy arguing (was: The Return of DRM): Not really. WL is an expression of technology.
Actors, motives and philosophies are incidental. It's a great example how technology shapes everything - from ethics to politics and all in-between.
In this particular case, the infrastructure for low-cost broadcasting [...]
Actors, motives and philosophies are incidental. It's a great example how technology shapes everything - from ethics to politics and all in-between.
In this particular case, the infrastructure for low-cost broadcasting [...]
<nettime> wikilazy arguing (was: The Return of DRM)
xDxD.vs.xDxD: wikilazy arguing (was: The Return of DRM):
[...]
i don't know (yet?) if it's poetry or politics, but here it goes: it would be incredibly interesting if all the wikileaks / iceland issues would turn out in the formation of the first official "information paradise" of the era of cognitive capitalism, just like there have been "fiscal paradises" in the previous capitalism, just around the corner.
what would it be? ethics? business? mafia? illuminati? power-2-the-hackers? natural evolution? global-something? what?
ciaociao xDxD
i don't know (yet?) if it's poetry or politics, but here it goes: it would be incredibly interesting if all the wikileaks / iceland issues would turn out in the formation of the first official "information paradise" of the era of cognitive capitalism, just like there have been "fiscal paradises" in the previous capitalism, just around the corner.
what would it be? ethics? business? mafia? illuminati? power-2-the-hackers? natural evolution? global-something? what?
ciaociao xDxD
<nettime> lucky german jugend: null bock auf facebook
Flick Harrison: lucky german jugend: null bock auf facebook:
I've been teaching digital art to 6-12 year olds for almost 10 years
and I'm constantly amazed at how adept they are at finding the most
useless things to do on the computer... I mean this in a good way.
They love figuring out how to zoom in on the screen, make it negative, etc. [...]
They love figuring out how to zoom in on the screen, make it negative, etc. [...]
<nettime> lucky german jugend: null bock auf facebook
Flick Harrison: lucky german jugend: null bock auf facebook:
I've been teaching digital art to 6-12 year olds for almost 10 years and I'm constantly amazed at how adept they are at finding the most useless things to do on the computer... I mean this in a good way.
They love figuring out how to zoom in on the screen, make it negative, etc. [...]
They love figuring out how to zoom in on the screen, make it negative, etc. [...]
<nettime> wikilazy arguing (was: The Return of DRM)
jaromil: wikilazy arguing (was: The Return of DRM):
hi Morlock,
On Wed, Aug 04, 2010 at 03:03:26PM -0700, Morlock Elloi wrote:
[...]
but then, leaving aside concerns whether IPhone rubbers will redeem themselves out of idiocracy (even them representing already an evolved form of cyborg than the remote control basher) don't you think that [...]
On Wed, Aug 04, 2010 at 03:03:26PM -0700, Morlock Elloi wrote:
[...]
but then, leaving aside concerns whether IPhone rubbers will redeem themselves out of idiocracy (even them representing already an evolved form of cyborg than the remote control basher) don't you think that [...]
