Anläßlich des Jahrestages der bundesweiten Hausdurchsuchungen im Vorfeld des G8-Gipfels am 9. Mai 2007 forderten Katja Kipping (MdB Die Linke), Pedram Shahyar (Mitglied des Attac-Koordinationskreises) und die beiden RechtsanwältInnen Christina Clemm (Berlin) und Alexander Hoffmann (Kiel) die Einstellung der §129a-Verfahren gegen 40 linke Aktivisten. Eingeladen hatten zu der Pressekonferenz in Berlin Beschuldigte aus vier §129(a)-Verfahren.

Anläßlich des Jahrestages der bundesweiten Hausdurchsuchungen im Vorfeld des G8-Gipfels am 9. Mai 2007 forderten Katja Kipping (MdB Die Linke), Pedram Shahyar (Mitglied des Attac-Koordinationskreises) und die beiden RechtsanwältInnen Christina Clemm (Berlin) und Alexander Hoffmann (Kiel) die Einstellung der §129a-Verfahren gegen 40 linke Aktivisten. Eingeladen hatten zu der Pressekonferenz in Berlin Beschuldigte aus vier §129(a)-Verfahren.

Anläßlich des Jahrestages der bundesweiten Hausdurchsuchungen im Vorfeld des G8-Gipfels am 9. Mai 2007 forderten Katja Kipping (MdB Die Linke), Pedram Shahyar (Mitglied des Attac-Koordinationskreises) und die beiden RechtsanwältInnen Christina Clemm (Berlin) und Alexander Hoffmann (Kiel) die Einstellung der §129a-Verfahren gegen 40 linke Aktivisten. Eingeladen hatten zu der Pressekonferenz in Berlin Beschuldigte aus vier §129(a)-Verfahren.

Anläßlich des Jahrestages der bundesweiten Hausdurchsuchungen im Vorfeld des G8-Gipfels am 9. Mai 2007 forderten Katja Kipping (MdB Die Linke), Pedram Shahyar (Mitglied des Attac-Koordinationskreises) und die beiden RechtsanwältInnen Christina Clemm (Berlin) und Alexander Hoffmann (Kiel) die Einstellung der §129a-Verfahren gegen 40 linke Aktivisten. Eingeladen hatten zu der Pressekonferenz in Berlin Beschuldigte aus vier §129(a)-Verfahren.

Anläßlich des Jahrestages der bundesweiten Hausdurchsuchungen im Vorfeld des G8-Gipfels am 9. Mai 2007 forderten Katja Kipping (MdB Die Linke), Pedram Shahyar (Mitglied des Attac-Koordinationskreises) und die beiden RechtsanwältInnen Christina Clemm (Berlin) und Alexander Hoffmann (Kiel) die Einstellung der §129a-Verfahren gegen 40 linke Aktivisten. Eingeladen hatten zu der Pressekonferenz in Berlin Beschuldigte aus vier §129(a)-Verfahren.

Kosovar Pavilion Venice Biennial 2005, did not confuse only those who cannot distinguish what is an Albanian and what is a Kosovar pavilion, artist or identity but seemingly also players of the great structure of the ancient contemporary art power elite that eventually accepted apologies by the used instrument of this work (e-flux) for challenging their Biennale with a tool of their own system and continued to live on in harmony as nothing had happened in the West (Sunday, color video, 3.01 min.). These works stand and mark a time and a context that is full of Bang! Bang! (Bang! Bang!, color video, 2.20 min.).

For more than 10 years, Muha writes lyrics that are very much connected with everyday life of the Roma community in Nivi Sad, and turns them into hip-hop songs. In 2007 he made his first professional studio recordings; the album “Crni smo mi” (“We are Black”) was released in July and promoted at the EXIT Festival (MTV Movement campaign).

A novel... The last night I slept at home was the night of December 29th, 1991. After that night I have been going to bed and been waking up in many other places, of which at least one I could , with a lifelong engrafted caution, even call my home, but no, never again after that night have I slept at home, I was never at home at all, nor I will ever be at home again, even if I would go back to that place, the place where the home was. The place, actually, still exists: it was not blown up by a grenade, bomb, dinamite or any kind of explosives, God forbid, we are all civilized people, that house, building actually, still lastingly exists in the world, there it is exactly where it has always been, now on the non-existing address...

How did these two subjects come together, when it was perfectly clear that we have learned this lesson seven years ago - egzistential problems of the citizens and their families cannot be resolved by resorting to nationalism? The fact that proves that we knew this back then are the citizens who voted for democratic options in 2000 and left nationalist parties without support. Advocating for democratic changes and democratic options secured these parties a 2/3 majority in the parliament - citizens made it possible for the government to start radical changes of the society, without a serious threat of the old regime, and above all to reject the old ways of governance. The government had to change in order to be able to change the others. It couldn't transfer to the others what it did not have in the beginning. Above all, goverment couldn't fight corruption if corruption was in the foundation of its governance, and because of that the most prominent slogans of that time were about the transparency of the government, i.e., the way of governance that allowed citizens to control and waive corruption.?

Inscenation of the novel by Ivana Sajko "Rio Bar", which is an intimate history of the war in Croatia  narrated in eight monologs of a certain girl in a wedding dress. In this quoted excerpt, described metamorphosis into a "women-thorn" represents   basis of the concept THORN – practical human nature.

Prologue: you are in darkness of a public room in novi sad, serbia. it is the beginning of what is called new millennium. IMAGINE a time line emerging marking origin and development of the law concepts of war, determining destiny of individuals, nowadays we call them civilians. IMAGINE you are looking into the maelstrom of humanity & civilization, detected by a plummet hanged on your mental thread, rolling off down into the depth of times immemorial, two key words you are looking for in the past: war & civilians [12 letters only]. IMAGINE you are in rome It is the year 390 BC, the future eternal city is conquered by the gallic victor brennus romans must deliver gold as set in terms of peace arrangement, they complain that gauls use excessive weights in measuring gold, then brennus added his sword among weights, exclaiming: VAE VICTIS.

NSK Garda refers to the project in which the slovenian art group Irwin collaborates with various European armies. In these actions soldiers, with Malevich's cross on their sleeves, raise and guard the flag of the NSK State in Time. In that sense it is not really a performance but more some sort of tableau vivant of the real army wearing a Malevich cross. Art society and army society are social structures that are usually totally opposite to each other and very rarely mix. With this action Irwin is organizing this encounter. As an art state NSK is in fact in parasitic relation with other, normal states and in this project this is made visible. Dusan Mandic, member of IRWIN, intoduces the recent performance in Kosovo.

The wall that separates 'us' from 'them', friend from enemy, organizes the opposition of imaginations. A conflict (or war) of projections, virtual placeholders, where the enemy is designed as an image that will never actualize. But the consequences of the wall are real; information which would allow us to find out whether our outrageous ideas about others hold any truth, is being managed and reduced to the level of images in emerging ‘zero friction zones’; public space, in every aspect, is being reshaped under the imagined threat from the opposite side of the wall. This lecture will describe the wall as an imaginary piece of architecture and rhetorical device from which it is possible to observe conflicts carried out through images. Those conflicts include well-known rhetorical oppositions like Team B versus the 'Soviet threat', the Neocons versus the Axis of Evil, and European 'Leitkultur' versus radical Islam. This talk will address how many simultaneous oppositions are sustained by the wall and how ultimately the wall even separates 'us' from 'us'.

Martha Rosler reads from her essay accompanying the re-emergence unchanged of her 1983 videotape A Simple Case for Torture, or How to Sleep at Night, accompanied by a screen saver of images on her computer.

In early 1991, when Croatia received the first international recognitions of its statehood, the euphoria was enormous. Such were the paradoxes of the situation. While the third of the country was yet to feel the war casualties, the state television launched a trashy song "Danke Deutschland" as a mark of gratitude to the first state that gave the recognition. The author researches how the phrase Danke Deutschland changed its meaning through the time, what does it mean today in different sets of memory. The concept consists of a video clip and narration.

The term ›terrorism‹ comes from the Latin word terrere, ›to frighten‹ via the French word terrorisme. The first use of the word ›terrorism‹ referred to state rule by terror. It was coined in the years after the French Revolution – the so-called Reign of Terror – and identified terror as an instrument of state power. Therefore, ›terrorism‹ became popular between 1793 and 1795 during the regime de la terreur. It was the French Revolution leader Robespierre who – just shortly before he himself was killed by his ›Madame Guillotine‹ – proclaimed in 1794: »Terror is nothing other than justice, prompt, severe, inflexible; it is therefore an emanation of virtue; it is not so much a special principle as it is a consequence of the general principle of democracy applied to our country's most urgent needs.« ›Terrorism‹ thus refers to state action. In the interim, with the generalization of the bourgeois national state since the eighteenth century, the power of states and of ruling class ideologies have successfully deflected and redefined terrorism as first and foremost an instrument of anti-state power. Generally speaking, the term is meant to de-legitimize any kind of resistance. A 1988 study by the US Army found 109 definitions of ›terrorism‹ that covered a total of 22 different definitional elements. As the only general characteristic generally agreed upon is that ›terrorism‹ involves violence and the threat of violence, many scholars avoid using this term – except those who are interested in using it for political, ideological and economic reasons. Among these more than hundred definitions, not all recognize the possibility of the legitimate use of violence by civilians against an invader in an occupied country or against ›their‹ government, and would thus label all resistance movements as ›terrorist‹ groups. Ultimately, the distinction is a political judgment. The paper will guide us through its controversial meanings.

Embeded Journalism vs. Self-organized Multitude of Observation, Hans Bernhard (A/CH/USA) The current conflict situation in Kenya reflects once again a critical point in our retro-mass media society. The information from inside the country is not valid, the information going to the "world" is twisted to perversion through embedded journalism, dubious sources and combustion point monitoring. The conflict existed before and will exist after the mass media storm, the bloodshet happens within very limited boundaries is mapped on top of the country as a whole - and then broadcast to the world under the assumption of mass media without information. This problem is contraindicated and reflected through the project SLUM-TV - a counter-headlining empowerment of cultural selforganization. SLUM-TV documents the lives of the people in Mathare (500.000 people slum in Nairobi) and reevaluates these lives and their surroundings through the eye of the camera. The local partners film and document their own existence and the social, political and military aspects of living inside such a melting pot. The small movies (newsreels) are put together and broadcast in public places exclusively inside Mathare, reaching the local audience through a variety of self-established cinemas (pirate cinemas reaching very large audiences). Published online, the newsreels plus written reports reach the global audience. The presentation will briefly introduce SLUM-TV and will document the current situation in Kenya (Mathare-Slum) via the performance of texts written and blogged by local SLUM-TV members.

Renaming Machine is a war concept that could be interpreted as a subtle but powerful strategy for erasing ethnic, cultural or gender identity without using any aggression or causing any direct material damage. It functions as a conceptual weapon of destruction, as a kind of wage war or a contest between the old and new identity layer. However, renaming simultaneously adds and multiplies a new layer of identity each time it erases one, because the names could be neither stolen nor completely erased: the best example of accumulation by dispossession in David Harvey’s terms. Moreover, according to Jacques Derrida giving names is also an act of love. RM attempts to point to the arbitrariness and contingency of representation that accompany the use of names and to raise the discussion about the invisible ideological patterns of “desiring renaming machine” standing behind the power regimes of representation while dispossessing and giving names. In my presentation I want to focus on the exploration of this clandestine ambivalence within the renaming as a juxtaposition of various identities. It is extremely important to reflect the complex entanglements of the political and cultural processes of renaming and the urgent need for questioning how these processes and patterns influenced the construction and destabilisation of national, cultural and personal identity during the last two decades within the Balkan region. I aim to encompass various art and cultural phenomena attached to renaming in order to explore the scale to which renaming affects visual culture and transgresses cultural identities and subjectivities in the Balkans. Renaming Machine was specifically motivated by the unique and absurd outwitting between Greece and Macedonia about the right to use the name “Macedonia.” This conflict resulted with exhausting processes of negotiations that still trouble the stability of the region. Regardless all paradoxes this “war of names” became an international precedent and the best example that names are overrated as identity insignia and “omen.”

Reconstruction will consist of screening of two videos: “A Reconstruction of an Unimportant Day in Our History” and “A Reconstruction of an Important Day in Our History”, by the artist. First video shows a day in a life of Josip Broz Tito during his stay in country side, in the castle. Castle is also known under the name of „Tito's Castle“. Tito as passionate hunter, often stayed in the Castle hunting wild animals, alone, with his wife Jovanka (who was as well passionate hunter) or with eminent foreign statesmen. Second video reconstructs the meeting of the two presidents: Croatian, Franjo Tu?man and Serbian, Slobodan Miloševi?. The meeting was held on April 15th, 1991 in Tikveš Castle. First armed conflicts broke out in the region of Slavonia in the beginning of May, 15 to 20 days after that meeting. War reached Tikveš in the beginning of June. For a period of time Castle was used as a headquarters of Arkan's paramilitary group.

Politics, Activism and not at least performative potentials meet in the term “Posse“ as conflictive spaces of emancipatory wars against border- and bio-regimes. In their well known analyses of “Empire“ Antonio Negri and Michael Hardt describe “Posse“ from the latin term as a verb of power, an activity, which refers to the political power and subjectivity of the multitude: Posse is what a mind and a body can do. In a wider context the word also expresses in english the branding of a gang or clique, and in german it's also the theatre-term for a scetch or form of comedy. In the spectacular fields of staged WTO/WEF/G8 Summits, many protest forms of Activism develop techniques of resistance, using Media, Theatre, and Art-tools, and lots of performative and subversive “Posse-Actors“ can be found in the last years: like the Rebel Clown Army, PublixTheatreCaravan, Tutte Bianche, Pink Block, noborder-Activism etc. Their methods of acting provoced in special moments of summit-spectacles the governmental techniques of repressive (police-)representations. Performing Posses refer in this sense more to Slogans like „Another war is possible!“ (noborderlab2003). Their forms of „wargames“ link struggles of social movements with a post-Brechtian and “minor“-acting gestures together.